Benjamin Netanyahu’s days as a free man are numbered.

His opponents in the Knesset are conspiring to end his criminal 12-year premiership (the longest in Israel’s history) by forging an unlikely “change” coalition of small-party ultranationalists, centrists, some leftists and even Islamists.

Alarmingly, the coalition is marshalled by Naftali Bennett — chief of the New Right party and “a former settler leader who is even more dedicated to entrenching Israeli dominion over millions of stateless Palestinians than is Netanyahu,” in the words of Peter Beinart.

In Israel, this news made all the front pages. But generally, Palestinians greeted it with a shrug. “When Palestinians in the occupied West Bank unfolded the territory’s highest-circulation broadsheet, Al-Quds,” according to The New York Times, “they found no mention about Mr. Netanyahu’s fate until Page 7.”

Why? Doesn’t this development matter? “If you’re Jewish, yes,” Beinart claims. “If you’re Palestinian, no.”

“For Israeli Jews, Netanyahu’s departure matters because he was undermining the rule of law,” in Beinart’s estimation.

“For Palestinians,” however, “it matters far less. … Most Palestinians who live under Israeli control — those in the West Bank, East Jerusalem, and the Gaza Strip — aren’t Israeli citizens. They are thus already subject to arbitrary and unrestrained state power.”

In the face of that overwhelming power — most recently expressed by a gruesome 11-day bombing campaign that took the lives of over 250 in Gaza, while 13 were killed in Israel — Palestinians are forming a united front.

Led by a bold new generation of young activists, their focus has shifted from soliciting outside aid to sparking change from within. “We are part of the global conversation on rights, justice, freedom,” Hanan Ashrawi told the Times, “and Israel cannot close it down or censor it.”

Between the river and the sea, a new people-led movement is emerging in opposition to Israel’s injustices. With the most revolutionary tool ever invented in the palms of their hands, they’re rising up and coming together to jump over their current crop of inept leaders — and starting to call the shots from below.

Could this be evidence of a Palestinian Third Force in action?!

Jeff’s no longer the richest person on Earth: he recently had to settle for a paltry second-place position behind French silver-spooner Bernard Arnault. Nonetheless, he’s living larger, and more obscenely, than ever.

Take his new yacht. No, not his $500-million, 400-foot-long superyacht. I’m talking about Bezos’s second, sidecar-like “support” yacht — the sole purpose of which is to provide a landing pad for his helicopter while out at sea. As CNN put it, “Jeff Bezos' superyacht is so big it needs its own yacht.”

If that isn’t nauseating excess, I don’t know what is.

But this is about more than envy, resentment, or bitterness. The problem is the fact that centibillionaires (yes, that’s a word) not only exist at all, but that they and their monopolistic megabusinesses are routinely given a pass despite eroding workers’ rights, exacerbating climate change, and distorting democracy.

In the words of Stacy Mitchell, anti-monopoly activist, “the fear that I have is that we're losing democracy. That the Congress is effectively run by corporations. That Amazon” — and, by extension, Bezos — “has a lot more power than the rest of us do combined, in shaping the future of the country.”

Are we really willing to accept all that in the name of same-day delivery?

Don’t be fooled: Biden’s got the backs of the rich, not yours. It's up to us, the Third Force, to stand up to the tyranny of the billionaire class and all the backwardness it represents. We have to rise up, take power away from the rich, and share it among the people.

Check out the intro to our forthcoming book to find out how!

On the 200th anniversary of Napoleon’s death, French President Emmanuel Macron condemned the empreror’s reinstatement of slavery in 1802, saying it was a “a betrayal of the spirit of the Enlightenment.” It was the first time that any president had denounced Bonaparte’s overturning his country’s 1794 abolition law. In France and its colonies, slavery wasn’t outlawed for good until 1848.

But Macron didn’t shy away from praising the storied sovereign, claiming that “the destiny of France would not have been the same” without him: “Napoleon is the man who gave shape to our political and administrative organization, to the uncertain sovereignty that emerged from the Revolution.”

Let’s take stock of his legacy. What else did Napoleon achieve? For one, the wholesale reform not only of France’s most important and enduring institutions but all of Europe’s, from banks to universities to military academies. His overhauling of France’s education system established higher standards and greater meritocracy. And his Napoleonic Code endures as the blueprint for civil law across most of continental Europe and Latin America, not to mention Québec and even Louisiana.

What evils did he inflict? As imperial dictator he overwrote many democratic principles of the Revolution, installing himself, not the people, at France’s helm. He waged war with nearly all of Europe for over a dozen years, rearranging the face of the continent and dealing death to millions. And the expansion of his colonial empire saw him attempt to suppress the Haitian Revolution and re-enslave hundreds of thousands in the Carribean.

So, how does Napoleon deserve to be remembered? As statesman or enslaver, reformer or retrograde, national hero or genocidal maniac? In any honest account of history, he can’t be said to be one thing or another: he was both, or all the above, at the same time. This essential fact about Napoleon’s complicated inheritance is central not just to properly remembering the past but to fully understanding the present

This is the heart of our current dilemma. Are we doomed to think in good-or-evil absolutes? Or can we walk and chew gum at the same time? In a culture that constantly asks us to cancel or to commemorate, can we be bold enough not to do either — but instead both?