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Can we trust Mohamed Morsi?

Is he the Lenin of the Egyptian Revolution?

Khalil Hamra/AP

Mohamed Morsi is facing one of the most daunting tasks a political leader could face - how to stabilize a post-revolution democracy. He avows, "with all honesty and impartiality," to end the transitional period as soon as possible and in a way that "guarantees the newly-born democracy". His logic is that in order to get anything done, in order to guarantee any of the changes the people have rallied for, he must temporarily take total control of the reigns in order to do so. It's a scary and tricky paradox: that a leader must take episodic, total control . . . He's playing with fire here, but swears he will give up his sweeping powers once the new constitution is approved by a referendum.

Can we trust him? . . .

This is a man who, after being elected, stepped down from his position within the Brotherhood and vowed that, under his leadership, Egypt would be an inclusive, civilian state. In a speech on the day he took his oath of office, Morsi promised dignity and social justice. He declared that "no institution will be above the people", critiquing the military. "You are the source of authority," he told the throngs. Under his rule, Egypt negotiated the most recent ceasefire between Hamas and Israel, and Morsi himself expressed solidarity with Gaza.

Clearly the anxious populace will not fall for this rhetoric, no matter how tantalizing the promises are that he makes. But history shows that sometimes a wild, total autocratic move will later make sense - from the right side of history. No matter what he does, he's going to be forced to get his hands dirty as he deals with the volatility of a post-revolution state, seeking to anchor a democracy where it never has been before. The question is: are the risks and compromises he's taking worth undergoing to the Egyptian citizens? Is the choice they face: Morsi, or no change? Though it's hard to tell from this moment in time, perhaps its too soon to judge him. We could look back at this moment from a later point in history and see that Morsi was an agent of change: even if his recent decrees prove sinister- this could have the counter-effect of fueling the revolutionary force with even more power.

Meanwhile, let's be frank: he freed himself entirely from judicial oversight last week. But there is a method to his madness, apparently: “The people wanted me to be the guardian of these steps in this phase,” he said in a written statement, emphasizing that it was his duty to “protect the revolution.” In response to this, tens of thousands of angry protestors have swarmed the Presidential Palace, crying out that he's a tyrant who has illegitimately seized power, sloughed off the judiciary, and wrote a contentious draft constitution. Though he may turn out to be just that, this revolution is still unfolding in real-time, isn't it too early to tell?

Morsi is destined for a legacy of notoriety. Is this not the fate for all those, who at times of revolutionary fervor, took power and got things done on the world-stage - receiving, of course, fraught reviews of mixed glory and outrage. During the Russian Revolution, critics labeled Lenin a dictator guilty of murdering the royal family, but supporters hailed him a champion of the working class. And history tells us the Russian Revolution simply would not have happened without him and his deeds - which were both valiant, and dirty. Revolutions just are dirty affairs: someone has to be ruthless to pull it off.

Is Morsi the Lenin of the Egyptian Revolution?

Is all fair in love and...revolutions?

47 comments on the article “Can we trust Mohamed Morsi?”

Displaying 31 - 40 of 47

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Anonymous

The Russian Revolution would have succeeded without Lenin. It may have even been a better boon for the people. I draw this conclusion after having read Figes.

Anonymous

“Perhaps the most controversial work on our list is the seventh, John Reed's book, "Ten Days That Shook the World," reporting on the October revolution in Russia in 1917. Yes, as conservative critics have noted, Reed was a partisan. Yes, historians would do better. But this was probably the most consequential news story of the century, and Reed was there, and Reed could write. The magnitude of the event being reported on and the quality of the writing were other important standards in our considerations.”

The Top 100 Works of Journalism in the United States in the 20th Century
MessaGe 1/1999
Mitchell Stephens: Acting Chairman, Department of Journalism, New York University

Anonymous

Are you holding up Lenin as a positive example, as if the Soviet Union he created was anything but a reordered pseudo-alternative oligarchy, or is there some nuance here that I am missing? I would expect any true leftist to take up a position of solidarity with Hamdeen Sabahi and his comrades, rather than celebrating a leader of the religious right. Breaking the back of the Mubarak regime wand and is an important fight and, to that end, I think we can all be glad that Morsi secured victory against Shafik in the second round. Still, one shouldn't lose sight of the fact that Morsi and Shafik combined received less than a majority of votes in the first round. There are other players in Egyptian politics with substantial constituencies and they deserve our support.

Anonymous

Why is replacing one extreme that is unjust with another opposite but equally unjust system the only concept of change you people will acknowledge? Would you burn you own house down to kill a cockroach.

Sub Text

And yet, if a house is full of wood worn, the best option might be to burn it down. That said, is it not interesting how the likes of you use the term "you people".

Anonymous

Yes, that was rhetorical question, but of course you would burn it down....with all of us inside it. Then you would call it progress. Does not surprise me a bit. You people indeed.

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